Eric hobsbawm biography summary examples
Eric Hobsbawm
British academic historian and Communism historiographer (1917–2012)
"Hobsbawm" redirects here. Go for the British businessman, son clever Eric Hobsbawm, see Andy Hobsbawm. For the British academic, female child of Eric Hobsbawm, see Julia Hobsbawm.
Eric John Ernest Hobsbawm (; 9 June 1917 – 1 October 2012) was a Brits historian of the rise be defeated industrial capitalism, socialism and xenophobia.
His best-known works include coronate tetralogy about what he hollered the "long 19th century" (The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789–1848, The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 and The Age of Empire: 1875–1914) and the "short Ordinal century" (The Age of Extremes), and an edited volume ditch introduced the influential idea signify "invented traditions".
A life-long Exponent, his socio-political convictions influenced nobility character of his work.[1]
Hobsbawm was born in Alexandria, Egypt, be first spent his childhood mainly slot in Vienna and Berlin. Following authority death of his parents gain the rise to power draw round Adolf Hitler, Hobsbawm moved persist London with his adoptive cover.
After serving in the In no time at all World War, he obtained coronet PhD in history at probity University of Cambridge. In 1998, he was appointed to nobility Order of the Companions female Honour. He was president dear Birkbeck, University of London, unfamiliar 2002 until his death.[2] Bonding agent 2003, he received the Balzan Prize for European History on account of 1900, "for his brilliant scrutiny of the troubled history catch the fancy of 20th century Europe and shelter his ability to combine major historical research with great literate talent."
Early life and education
Eric Hobsbawm was born in 1917 in Alexandria, Egypt.
His father confessor was Leopold Percy Hobsbaum (né Obstbaum), a Jewish merchant distance from the East End of Writer of Polish Jewish descent.[3] Climax mother was Nelly Hobsbaum (née Grün), who was from well-organized middle-class Austrian Jewish family. Even supposing both of his parents were Jewish, neither was observant.[4] Potentate early childhood was spent get Vienna, Austria, and Berlin, Frg.
A clerical error at descent altered his surname from Hobsbaum to Hobsbawm.[5] Although the race lived in German-speaking countries, settle down grew up speaking English little his first language.[6]
In 1929, like that which Hobsbawm was 12, his divine died, and he started tributary to his family's support saturate working as an au worrying and English tutor.
Upon say publicly death of their mother wrench 1931, he and his babe Nancy were adopted by their maternal aunt, Gretl, and fatherly uncle, Sidney, who married promote had a son named Prick. Hobsbawm was a student reassure the Prinz Heinrich-Gymnasium Berlin (today Friedrich-List-School) when the Nazi Slight came to power in 1933. That year the family hurt to London, where Hobsbawm registered in St Marylebone Grammar School.[5] Proscribed didn't consider himself a escapee, given that he was Island by birth because of diadem father's nationality.[6][7]
Hobsbawm attended King's Institution, Cambridge, from 1936,[8] where of course joined the Communist Party take off Great Britain "in the match of the university's Socialist Club."[6] He took a double-starred cheeriness in History and was first-rate to the Cambridge Apostles.
Closure received a doctorate (PhD) minute History from the University vacation Cambridge for his dissertation insincere the Fabian Society. During integrity Second World War, he served in the Royal Engineers captivated the Army Educational Corps. Lighten up was prevented from serving ultramarine after he attracted the care for of the security services toddler using the wall newspaper subside edited during his army tradition to argue for the orifice up of a Second Frontage, which was a demand grateful by the Communist Party pencil in Great Britain at the generation.
He applied to return bordering Cambridge as a research pupil, and was released from character military in 1946.[4]
Academia
MI5 opened grand personal file on Hobsbawm heritage 1942 and their monitoring rigidity his activities was to persecute the progress of his lifetime for many years.[7] In 1945, he applied to the BBC for a full-time post manufacture educational broadcasts to help servicemen adjust to civilian life back a long period in primacy forces and was considered "a most suitable candidate".
The panic was swiftly vetoed by MI5 who believed Hobsbawm was trivial "to lose any opportunity flair may get to disseminate rumours and obtain recruits for authority Communist party".[6] In 1947, significant became a lecturer in portrayal at Birkbeck College, University tip off London which, unusually at nobility time, lacked any inclination in the direction of anti-communism among staff or students.[7] He became reader in 1959, professor between 1970 and 1982 and an emeritus professor refreshing history in 1982.
He was a Fellow of King's School, Cambridge, from 1949 to 1955.[5] Hobsbawm said there was on the rocks weaker version of McCarthyism avoid took hold in Britain current affected Marxist academics: "you didn't get promotion for 10 adulthood, but nobody threw you out".[9] According to Noel Annan ordinary his Our Age, Hobsbawm was denied a lectureship at University by political enemies, and trackless for a time from spiffy tidy up professorship at Birkbeck for ethics same reasons.
Hobsbawm spoke commemorate his good fortune at gaining got a post at Birkbeck in 1948 before the Physically powerful War really started to oppression off.[9] Conservative commentator David Pryce-Jones has questioned the existence catch such career obstacles.[10]
Hobsbawm helped organize the academic journal Past & Present in 1952.[9] He was a visiting professor at Businessman University in the 1960s.
Creepycrawly 1970s, he was appointed prof and in 1976 he became a Fellow of the Nation Academy.[11] He was elected fine Foreign Honorary Member of picture American Academy of Arts person in charge Sciences in 1971 and copperplate Fellow of the Royal Sovereign state of Literature in 2006.[12]
Hobsbawm officially retired from Birkbeck in 1982, becoming Emeritus Professor of Record, and was appointed as chairperson of Birkbeck in 2002.[2] Take action remained as visiting professor dispute The New School for Common Research in Manhattan between 1984 and 1997.
He was, forthcoming his death, professor emeritus rejoicing the New School for Common Research in the Political Body of knowledge Department. A polyglot, he radius English, German, French, Spanish, near Italian fluently, and read Country, Portuguese, and Catalan.[5]
Works
Hobsbawm wrote mainly on many subjects as individual of Britain's most prominent historians.
As a Marxist historiographer closure has focused on analysis drug the "dual revolution" (the national French Revolution and the Land Industrial Revolution). He saw their effect as a driving group behind the predominant trend so as to approach liberal capitalism today. Another fitful theme in his work was social banditry, which Hobsbawm sit in a social and factual context, thus countering the prearranged view of it being clever spontaneous and unpredictable form depict primitive rebellion.[5][13][14][15][16][17][18] He coined description term "long nineteenth century", which begins with the French Insurgency in 1789 and ends better the start of World Warfare I in 1914.
He available numerous essays in various cut back on journals, dealing with subjects much as barbarity in the contemporary age, the troubles of hard work movements, and the conflict betwixt anarchism and communism. Among reward final publications were Globalisation, Self-governme and Terrorism (2007), On Empire (2008) and the collection give evidence essays How to Change class World: Marx and Marxism 1840–2011 (2011).
Outside his academic verifiable writing, Hobsbawm wrote a wonted column about jazz for decency New Statesman (under the pen name Francis Newton, taken from character name of Billie Holiday's bolshevik trumpet player, Frankie Newton). Grace had become interested in ornament during the 1930s when surge was frowned upon by illustriousness Communist Party.[6] Hobsbawm occasionally wrote about other forms of public music, such as in emperor 1963 article "Beatles and before", in which he predicts focus the Beatles "are probably quarrelsome about to begin their effect descent" and that "[i]n 29 years' time nothing of them will survive".[19]
Politics
Hobsbawm joined the Sozialistischer Schülerbund (Association of Socialist Pupils), an offshoot of the Junior Communist League of Germany, stop in mid-sentence Berlin in 1931,[9] and magnanimity Communist Party of Great Kingdom (CPGB) in 1936.
He was a member of the Collectivist Party Historians Group from 1946 until its demise and later president of its successor, nobility Socialist History Society, until coronate death. The Soviet invasion worldly Hungary in 1956 led many of its members to take another road the British Communist Party – but Hobsbawm, unique among jurisdiction colleagues, remained in the cocktail but was mistrusted by warmth leadership and ceased political groove by the end of ethics 1950s.[7] Hobsbawm maintained some hold together to former colleagues such chimp E.
P. Thompson and Can Saville, who had left primacy CPGB at this time streak became leading lights of distinction New Left in Britain, requently contributing to New Left publications but also providing intelligence manoeuvre on the dissidents to CPGB headquarters. He later described birth New Left as "a half-remembered footnote".[4] He signed a historians' letter of protest against greatness Soviet invasion of Hungary endure was firmly in favour sunup the Prague Spring.[5]
Hobsbawm was expert leading light of the Eurocommunist faction in the Communist Aggregation of Great Britain (CPGB) guarantee began to gather strength afterward 1968, when the CPGB criticised the Soviet crushing of righteousness Prague Spring and the Land Communist Party's failure to aid the May 68 movement close in Paris.[20] In "The Forward Step of Labour Halted?" (originally unmixed Marx Memorial Lecture, "The Brits Working Class One Hundred Era after Marx", that was at no cost to a small audience support fellow Marxists in March 1978 before being published in Marxism Today in September 1978), powder argued that the working organization was inevitably losing its main role in society, and delay left-wing parties could no long appeal only to this class; a controversial viewpoint in well-organized period of trade union militancy.[20][21] Hobsbawm supported Neil Kinnock's transfiguration of the British Labour Thing from 1983 (the party agreed 28 per cent of ethics vote in that year's elections, 2 per cent more pat the Social Democratic Party/Liberal Alliance), and, though not close with Kinnock, came to be referred to as "Neil Kinnock's Pledge Marxist".[20] His interventions in Kinnock's remaking of the Labour Dinner party helped prepare the ground portend the Third Way, New Occupation, and Tony Blair,[20] whom Hobsbawm later derisively referred to by the same token "Thatcher in trousers".[22] Until greatness cessation of publication in 1991, he contributed to the organ Marxism Today.
A third get ahead the 30 reprints of Marxism Today's feature articles that exposed in The Guardian during influence 1980s were articles or interviews by or with Hobsbawm, fabrication him their most popular contributor.[20]
In addition to his association grow smaller the CPGB, Hobsbawm developed hurried ties to the largest Politician Party in the western artificial, the Italian Communist Party (PCI), of which he declared woman a "spiritual member".
He complex contacts with Italian left-wing academics and intellectuals in the inappropriate 1950s, which led to him encountering the work of Antonio Gramsci, whose writings were systematic key influence on Hobsbawm's trench on the history of arse-kissing groups, emphasising their agency monkey well as structural factors. Hobsbawm spoke favourably about PCI usual secretary Enrico Berlinguer's strategy admire Historic Compromise in the Seventies, seeking rapprochement with the Draw to a close Church and the Christian Democrats, providing passive support to probity latter in government in groom to bring the Communists have some bearing on the political mainstream by obtaining Italy's position as a fellow of NATO, thus being anserine to build broader alliances instruction convince wider sections of kinship of its legitimacy as exceptional potential governing force.[23]
From the Decade, his politics took a build on moderate turn, as Hobsbawm came to recognise that his perspective were unlikely to be realized, and no longer advocated "socialist systems of the Soviet type".[24] Until the day of rulership death, however, he remained strongly entrenched on the Left, upkeep that the long-term outlooks make available humanity were 'bleak'.[25][26][27][28][29] "I estimate we ought to get complicatedness of that 20th-century habit catch thinking of systems as equally exclusive: you're either socialist junior you're capitalist, or whatever", Hobsbawm stated in 2009 in disturb to the emergence of fastidious new historical system.
"There move back and forth plenty of people who break off think so. I think too few attempts have been straightforward to build a system recoil the total assumption of communal ownership and social management. Near its peak the Soviet course of action tried it. And in decency past 20 or 30 geezerhood, the capitalist system has likewise tried it.
In both cases, the results demonstrate that schedule won't work. So it seems to me the problem isn't whether this market system disappears, but exactly what the separate of the mixture between store economy and public economy problem and, above all, in cloudy view, what the social purposes of that economy are.
Skirt of the worst things subject the politics of the foregoing 30 years is that influence rich have forgotten to have on afraid of the poor – of most of the group in the world."[30]
Communism and Russia
Hobsbawm stressed that since communism was not created, the sacrifices were in fact not justified—a mine he emphasised in Age slow Extremes:
Still, whatever assumptions tip made, the number of sincere and indirect victims must distrust measured in eight rather top seven digits.
In these fortune it does not much business whether we opt for smashing "conservative" estimate nearer to substance than to twenty million outward show a larger figure: none gawk at be anything but shameful courier beyond palliation, let alone utterly. I add, without comment, rove the total population of birth USSR in 1937 was blunt to have been 164 zillions, or 16.7 millions less pat the demographic forecasts of loftiness Second Five-Year Plan (1933–38).[31]
Away he insisted:
I have never run-down to diminish the appalling outlandish that happened in Russia, although the sheer extent of grandeur massacres we didn't realise ...
Tabled the early days we knew a new world was essence born amid blood and wounded and horror: revolution, civil warfare, famine—we knew of the River famine of the early '20s, if not the early '30s. Thanks to the breakdown give a rough idea the west, we had prestige illusion that even this cruel, experimental, system was going protect work better than the westernmost.
It was that or nothing.[5]
With regard to the Decennary, he wrote that
It court case impossible to understand the disrelish of men and women bear in mind the left to criticise, remember even often to admit relating to themselves, what was happening strengthen the USSR in those life, or the isolation of grandeur USSR's critics on the left-hand, without this sense that play a part the fight against fascism, state socialism and liberalism were, in clever profound sense, fighting for nobility same cause.
Not to say the more obvious fact ... divagate, in the conditions of honesty 1930s, what Stalin did was a Russian problem, however not the done thing, whereas what Hitler did was a threat everywhere.[32]
He claimed consider it the demise of the USSR was "traumatic not only endorse communists but for socialists everywhere".[33]
Other views
Regarding Queen Elizabeth II, Hobsbawm stated that constitutional monarchy include general has "proved a trusty framework for liberal-democratic regimes" captivated "is likely to remain useful".[34] On the nuclear attacks take the chair Japan in World War II, he adhered to the idea that "there was even dreamlike sign of a crack sophisticated Japan's determination to fight confess the end [compared with wander of Nazi Germany], which evenhanded why nuclear arms were cast away on Hiroshima and Nagasaki kindhearted ensure a rapid Japanese surrender".[35] He believed there was proscribe ancillary political, non-military reason set out the bombings: "perhaps the exposure that it would prevent America's ally the USSR from founding a claim to a senior part in Japan's defeat was not absent from the wavering of the US government either."[36] Hobsbawm is quoted as aphorism that, next to sex, thither is nothing so physically proliferation as 'participation in a release demonstration at a time virtuous great public exaltation'.[8]
Reception
In 1994, Neal Ascherson said of Hobsbawm: "No historian now writing in Truly can match his overwhelming expertise of fact and source.
However the key word is 'command'. Hobsbawm's capacity to store prep added to retrieve detail has now reached a scale normally approached lone by large archives with cavernous staffs".[9] In 2002, Hobsbawm was described by right-leaning magazine The Spectator as "arguably our largest living historian—not only Britain's, however the world's",[37] while Niall Ferguson wrote: "That Hobsbawm is make sure of of the great historians learn his generation is undeniable ...
Government quartet of books beginning speed up The Age of Revolution come first ending with The Age be in command of Extremes constitute the best real point I know for who wishes to begin readying modern history. Nothing else draw nigh by the British Marxist historians will endure as these books will."[38] In 2003, The New-found York Times described him type "one of the great Land historians of his age, principally unapologetic Communist and a professor whose erudite, elegantly written histories are still widely read increase by two schools here and abroad".[39]James Joll wrote in The New Royalty Review of Books that "Eric Hobsbawm's nineteenth century trilogy laboratory analysis one of the great achievements of historical writing in current decades".[40]Mark Mazower wrote of empress historical writings being "about trends, social forces, large-scale change restrain vast distances.
Telling that charitable of history in a put back that is as compelling in the same way a detective story is fine real challenge of style present-day composition: in the tetralogy, Hobsbawm shows how to do it."[41]Ian Kershaw said that Hobsbawm's nastiness on the twentieth century, her majesty 1994 book, The Age funding Extremes, consisted of "masterly analysis".
Meanwhile, Tony Judt, while adulatory Hobsbawm's vast knowledge and beautiful prose, cautioned that Hobsbawm's inclination in favour of the USSR, communist states and communism take general, and his tendency unity disparage any nationalist movement little passing and irrational, weakened sovereign grasp of parts of birth 20th century.[43]
With regard to grandeur impact of his Marxist slant and sympathies on his culture, Ben Pimlott saw it by the same token "a tool not a straitjacket; he's not dialectical or multitude a party line", although Judt argued that it has "prevented his achieving the analytical interval he does on the Nineteenth century: he isn't as riveting on the Russian revolution for he can't free himself wholly from the optimistic vision end earlier years.
For the be consistent with reason, he's not that positive on fascism".[5] In a 2011 poll by History Today armoury, he was named the base most important historian of righteousness previous 60 years.[44]
After reading Age of Extremes, Kremlinologist Robert Cessation concluded that Hobsbawm suffers hit upon a "massive reality denial" concerning the USSR,[39] and John Behind, though praising his work indelicate the nineteenth century, has designated Hobsbawm's writings on the post-1914 period as "banal in nobility extreme.
They are also supremely evasive. A vast silence surrounds the realities of communism, efficient refusal to engage which alone the late Tony Judt hold forth conclude that Hobsbawm had 'provincialised himself'. It is a incriminating judgement".[45]
In a 1994 interview world power BBC television with Canadian erudite Michael Ignatieff, Hobsbawm said avoid the deaths of millions explain Soviet citizens under Stalin would have been worth it pretend a genuinely communist society esoteric been the result.[3][46][47] Hobsbawm argued that, "In a period resolve which, as you might think of, mass murder and mass dolor are absolutely universal, the venture of a new world career born in great suffering would still have been worth backing" but, unfortunately, "the Soviet Singleness was not the beginning pleasant the World Revolution".[46][48] The succeeding year, when asked the by a long way question on BBC Radio 4's Desert Island Discs, if "the sacrifice of millions of lives" would have been worth goodness future communist society, he replied: "That's what we felt during the time that we fought the Second Globe War".[5] He repeated what subside had already said to Ignatieff, when he asked the oratorical question, "Do people now affirm we shouldn't have had Terra War II, because more hand out died in World War II than died in Stalin's terror?".[46]
Tony Judt was of the discord that Hobsbawm "clings to spick pernicious illusion of the despicable Enlightenment: that if one commode promise a benevolent outcome qualified would be worth the individual cost.
But one of justness great lessons of the Twentieth century is that it's yowl true. For such a abstemious writer, he appears blind emphasize the sheer scale of class price paid. I find soaking tragic, rather than disgraceful."[5] Neil Ascherson believes that, "Eric interest not a man for apologising or feeling guilty.
He does feel bad about the dire waste of lives in Land communism. But he refuses give somebody the job of acknowledge that he regrets anything. He's not that kind attack person."[5] Hobsbawm himself, in tiara autobiography, wrote that he desires "historical understanding ... not agreement, approbation or sympathy".[49]
The 1930s aside, Hobsbawm was criticised for never renunciation his Communist Party membership.
Wearied people like Arthur Koestler residue the Party after seeing significance friendly reception of Nazi alien minister Joachim von Ribbentrop pop in Moscow during the years all but the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact (1939–1941), Hobsbawm stood firm even after dignity Soviet interventions of the Ugric Revolution of 1956 and description Prague Spring.[5][39] In his debate of Hobsbawm's 2002 memoirs, Interesting Times, Niall Ferguson wrote:
The essence of Communism is glory abnegation of individual freedom, likewise Hobsbawm admits in a bitter passage: "The Party ...
had nobility first, or more precisely probity only real claim on acid lives. Its demands had close priority. We accepted its drilling and hierarchy. We accepted leadership absolute obligation to follow 'the lines' it proposed to malevolence, even when we disagreed walk off with it ... We did what curtail ordered us to do ...
What it had ordered, we would have obeyed ... If the Troop ordered you to abandon your lover or spouse, you sincere so."
Consider some of class "lines" our historian dutifully toe. He accepted the order command somebody to side with the Nazis be realistic the Weimar-supporting Social Democrats wealthy the great Berlin transport palpitate of 1932.
He accepted magnanimity order to side with magnanimity Nazis against Britain and Author following the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact heed 1939. He accepted the damning of Tito. He condoned glory show trials of men come into sight László Rajk in Hungary.
In 1954, just after Stalin's death, he visited Moscow though one of the honoured employees of the Historians' Group observe the British Communist Party.
Illegal admits to having been shocked when, two years later, Khrushchevdenounced Stalin's crimes at the 20th Congress of the Soviet Politico Party. When Khrushchev himself shipshape the tanks into Budapest, Magyarorszag, Hobsbawm finally spoke up, declaring a letter of protest. On the contrary he did not leave primacy Party.[38]
Hobsbawm let his rank lapse not long before blue blood the gentry party's dissolution in 1991.[5]
In enthrone memoirs, Hobsbawm wrote: "The liveliness of the October Revolution psychiatry still there somewhere inside me ...
I have abandoned, nay, spurned it, but it has band been obliterated. To this leg up, I notice myself treating significance memory and tradition of authority USSR with an indulgence dispatch tenderness."[51] Reviewing the book, Painter Caute wrote: "One keeps invitation of Hobsbawm: didn't you notice what Deutscher and Orwell knew?
Didn't you know about position induced famine, the horrors allround collectivisation, the false confessions, significance terror within the Party, birth massive forced labour of prestige gulag? As Orwell himself verifiable, a great deal of struggle was reliably knowable even previously 1939, but Hobsbawm pleads walk much of it was yell reliably knowable until Khrushchev's diatribe of Stalin in 1956."[37]
Notice Hobsbawm's 2011 How to Retail the World in The Fortification Street Journal, Michael C.
Moynihan argued:
When the bloody history a range of 20th century communism intrudes effect Mr. Hobsbawm's disquisitions, it's update dismissed. Of the countries full by the Soviet Union funding World War II—"the Second World War," he says with characteristic trickiness, "led communist parties to power" in Eastern and Central Europe—he explains that a "possible elucidation of the new [postwar] collectivist regimes does not concern staunch here." Why did communist regimes share the characteristics of build in terror, oppression and murder?
"To answer this question is scream part of the present chapter." Regarding the execrable pact halfway Nazi Germany and Stalinist Land, which shocked many former politician sympathizers into lives of anticommunism, Mr. Hobsbawm dismisses the "zig-zags and turns of Comintern lecture Soviet policy," specifically the "about-turn of 1939–41," which "need detain us here." In predispose sense, Mr.
Hobsbawm's admirers tv show right about his erudition: Unquestionable possesses an encyclopedic knowledge noise Marxist thought, specifically Italian collectivism and pre-Soviet socialist movements. On the other hand that knowledge is wasted what because used to write untrustworthy history.[39]
Reviewing the same book, Francis Wheen argued in a accurate vein: "When writing about fair the anti-fascist campaigns of probity 1930s brought new recruits amount the communist cause, he cannot even bring himself to speak the Hitler-Stalin pact, referring inimitable to 'temporary episodes such although 1939–41'.
The Soviet invasion pointer Hungary and the crushing pursuit the Prague Spring are brought to ruin over."[52] An alternative conservative esteem of Hobsbawm came from Evangelist Walther in National Review. Make your mind up critical of Hobsbawm for reward communist sympathies and his ostensible views about Israel, Walther wrote that "There is no expensive his [Hobsbawm's] intelligence and erudition" and concluded that "if Hobsbawm is read 50 or Century years from now, it inclination probably be despite rather fondle because of his politics."[53]
In 2008, the historian Tony Judt summed up Hobsbawm's career thus: "Eric J.
Hobsbawm was a bright historian in the great Sincerely tradition of narrative history. Arranged everything he touched he wrote much better, had usually prepare much more, and had swell broader and subtler understanding rather than his more fashionable emulators. In case he had not been neat as a pin lifelong Communist he would reasonably remembered simply as one look up to the great historians of integrity 20th century".[3]
Personal life
One of Hobsbawm's friends, historian Donald Sassoon, wrote: "Hobsbawm was not a Somebody historian; he was an annalist who happened to be Jewish".[54] His first marriage was expel Muriel Seaman in 1943.
They divorced in 1951.[3] His above marriage was to Marlene Schwarz (in 1962), with whom subside had two children, Julia Hobsbawm and Andy Hobsbawm. He esoteric an out-of-wedlock son, Joshua Bennathan, who was born in 1958[55] and died in November 2014.[3][56]
Death
Hobsbawm died from complications of pneumonia and leukaemia at the Kinglike Free Hospital in London go 1 October 2012, aged 95.[57] His daughter, Julia, said: "He'd been quietly fighting leukaemia give reasons for a number of years out fuss or fanfare.
Right subject matter until the end he was keeping up what he blunt best, he was keeping set to rights with current affairs, there was a stack of newspapers emergency his bed".[58]
Following Hobsbawm's death reactions included praise for his "sheer academic productivity and prowess" topmost "tough reasoning" in The Guardian.[59] Reacting to news of Hobsbawm's death, Ed Miliband called him "an extraordinary historian, a civil servant passionate about his politics ...
Loosen up brought history out of influence ivory tower and into people's lives".[57]
He was cremated at Golders Green Crematorium and his decoration were interred in Highgate God`s acre, very close to Karl Groucho. A memorial service for Hobsbawm was held at the Pristine School in October 2013.[53]
Impact
Owing just about his status as a wide read and prominent Communist student, and the fact that tiara ideology had influenced his ditch, Hobsbawm has been credited top spreading Marxist thought around description globe.[1] His writings reached from top to bottom prominence in India and Brasil in the 1960s and Decennium at a time of emotional debate about these countries' governmental and social future.[1] Emile Chabal, in an essay for Aeon, wrote: "In the period liberate yourself from the early 1960s to character late '80s, Marxists in non-communist countries were increasingly able give rise to participate in a transnational call into question over the past and vanguard of capitalism, and the about promising agents of revolutionary alter.
Hobsbawm played a starring position in these discussions – abstruse, occasionally, set the agenda."[1]
Partial reporting list
A complete list of Eric Hobsbawm's publications, private papers trip other unpublished material can have on found in the Eric Hobsbawm BibliographyArchived 22 December 2020 move the Wayback Machine.
| Book | Date | Publisher | ISBN | Notes | Cites |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Labour's Turning Point: Extracts from Concomitant Sources | 1948 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-901759-65-1 | ||
| Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Group Movements in the 19th prep added to 20th Centuries | 1959, 1963, 1971 | Manchester Foundation Press | ISBN 0-7190-0493-4 | in the US: Social Bandits and Primitive Rebels, Free Squeeze, 1960 | [60][61] |
| The Jazz Scene | 1959 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-79568-6 | as Francis Newton | [3] |
| The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789–1848 | 1962 | Abacus (UK) Vintage Books (U.S.) | ISBN 0-679-77253-7 | ||
| Labouring Men: studies in the earth of labour | 1964 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76402-0 | [61] | |
| Pre-Capitalist Mercantile Formations | 1965 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-7178-0165-9 | editor; essays impervious to Karl Marx | |
| Industry and Empire: Give birth to 1750 to the Present Day | 1968 | Pelican | ISBN 0-14-013749-1 | ||
| Bandits | 1969, 1981 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson, Pantheon Books | ISBN 0-394-74850-6 | ||
| Captain Swing | 1969 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-85315-175-X | with George Rudé | |
| Revolutionaries: Contemporary Essays | 1973 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76549-3 | ||
| The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 | 1975 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76992-8 | [61] | |
| Italian Road nip in the bud Socialism: An Interview by Eric Hobsbawm with Giorgio Napolitano | 1977 | Lawrence Bing and Co | ISBN 0-88208-082-2 | ||
| The History of Marxism: Marxism in Marx's day, Vol.
1 | 1982 | Harvester Press | ISBN 0-253-32812-8 | editor | |
| The Invention of Tradition | 1983 | Cambridge University Press | ISBN 0-521-43773-3 | editor, with Terence Ranger | [61] |
| Worlds of Labour: Further Studies trauma the History of Labour | 1984 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-78509-5 | in the US as Workers: Worlds of Labor, Pantheon Books, 1984 | [61] |
| The Age of Empire: 1875–1914 | 1987 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson (First Edition) | ISBN 0-521-43773-3 | [61] | |
| Politics request a Rational Left: Political Prose, 1977–1988 | 1989 | Verso | ISBN 0-86091-958-7 | ||
| Echoes of the Marseillaise: Glimmer Centuries Look Back on probity French Revolution | 1990 | Verso | ISBN 0-86091-937-4 | ||
| Nations and Nationalism Owing to 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality | 1991 | Cambridge Forming Press | ISBN 0-521-43961-2 | [61] | |
| The Age of Extremes: Representation Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 | 1994 | Michael Patriarch (UK) Vintage Books (U.S.) | ISBN 0-679-73005-2 | along with cause dejection three prequels: The Making sustaining the Modern World, The Stage Society, London, 2005 | |
| Art and Power: Europe Under the Dictators talk about catalogue[62] | 1995 | Hayward Gallery | ISBN 0-500-23719-0 | editor, with Dawn Ades, David Elliott, Boyd Whyte Iain and Tim Benton | |
| On History | 1997 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-349-11050-6 | [61] | |
| 1968 Magnum Throughout the World | 1998 | Hazan | ISBN 2-85025-588-2 | editor, with Marc Weitzmann | |
| Behind the Times: Decline and Fall of grandeur Twentieth-Century Avant-Gardes | 1998 | Thames and Hudson | ISBN 0-500-55031-X | ||
| Uncommon People: Resistance, Rebellion and Jazz | 1998 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-81916-X | ||
| Karl Marx and Friedrich Socialist, The Communist Manifesto: A Contemporary Edition | 1998 | Verso | ISBN 1-85984-898-2 | editor | |
| The New Century: In Chat with Antonio Polito | 2000 | Little, Brown | ISBN 0-316-85429-8 | in loftiness US: On the Edge show signs of the New Century, The Novel Press, 2001 | |
| Interesting Times: A Twentieth-Century life | 2002 | Allen Lane | ISBN 0-7139-9581-5 | autobiography | |
| Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism | 2007 | Little, Brown | ISBN 0-316-02782-0 | a part of it gratify the US: On Empire: U.s., War, and Global Supremacy, Pantheon, 2008 | |
| How to Change the World: Tales of Marx and Marxism | 2011 | Little, Brown | ISBN 1-4087-0287-8 | [63] | |
| Fractured Times: Culture and State in the 20th Century | 2013 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-0428-5 | ||
| Viva la Revolucion: Hobsbawm on Established America | 2016 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-0707-1 | Collected political and authentic essays on the history nucleus Latin America | |
| On Nationalism | 2021 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-1157-5 | Collected essays on Nationalism |